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by James Boyle


Preface: Comprised of at Least Jelly?

Each person has a different breaking point. For one of my students it was United States Patent number 6,004,596 for a “Sealed Crustless Sandwich.” In the curiously mangled form of English that patent law produces, it was described this way:

A sealed crustless sandwich for providing a convenient sandwich without an outer crust which can be stored for long periods of time without a central filling from leaking outwardly. The sandwich includes a lower bread portion, an upper bread portion, an upper filling and a lower filling between the lower and upper bread portions, a center filling sealed between the upper and lower fillings, and a crimped edge along an outer perimeter of the bread portions for sealing the fillings there between. The upper and lower fillings are preferably comprised of peanut butter and the center filling is comprised of at least jelly. The center filling is prevented from radiating outwardly into and through the bread portions from the surrounding peanut butter.1

“But why does this upset you?” I asked; “you’ve seen much worse than this.” And he had. There are patents on human genes, on auctions, on algorithms.2 The U.S. Olympic Committee has an expansive right akin to a trademark over the word “Olympic” and will not permit gay activists to hold a “Gay Olympic Games.” The Supreme Court sees no First Amendment problem with this.3 Margaret Mitchell’s estate famously tried to use copyright to prevent Gone With the Wind from being told from a slave’s point of view.4 The copyright over the words you are now reading will not expire until seventy years after my death; the men die young in my family, but still you will allow me to hope that this might put it close to the year 2100. Congress periodically considers legislative proposals that would allow the ownership of facts.5 The Digital Millennium Copyright Act gives content providers a whole array of legally protected digital fences to enclose their work.6 In some cases it effectively removes the privilege of fair use. Each day brings some new Internet horror story about the excesses of intellectual property. Some of them are even true. The list goes on and on. (By the end of this book, I hope to have convinced you that this matters.) With all of this going on, this enclosure movement of the mind, this locking up of symbols and themes and facts and genes and ideas (and eventually people), why get excited about the patenting of a peanut butter and jelly sandwich? “I just thought that there were limits,” he said; “some things should be sacred.”

This book is an attempt to tell the story of the battles over intellectual property, the range wars of the information age. I want to convince you that intellectual property is important, that it is something that any informed citizen needs to know a little about, in the same way that any informed citizen needs to know at least something about the environment, or civil rights, or the way the economy works. I will try my best to be fair, to explain the issues and give both sides of the argument. Still, you should know that this is more than mere description. In the pages that follow, I try to show that current intellectual property policy is overwhelmingly and tragically bad in ways that everyone, and not just lawyers or economists, should care about. We are making bad decisions that will have a negative effect on our culture, our kids’ schools, and our communications networks; on free speech, medicine, and scientific research. We are wasting some of the promise of the Internet, running the risk of ruining an amazing system of scientific innovation, carving out an intellectual property exemption to the First Amendment. I do not write this as an enemy of intellectual property, a dot-communist ready to end all property rights; in fact, I am a fan. It is precisely because I am a fan that I am so alarmed about the direction we are taking.

Still, the message of this book is neither doom nor gloom. None of these decisions is irrevocable. The worst ones can still be avoided altogether, and there are powerful counterweights in both law and culture to the negative trends I describe here. There are lots of reasons for optimism. I will get to most of these later, but one bears mentioning now. Contrary to what everyone has told you, the subject of intellectual property is both accessible and interesting; what people can understand, they can change—or pressure their legislators to change.

I stress this point because I want to challenge a kind of willed ignorance. Every news story refers to intellectual property as “arcane,” “technical,” or “abstruse” in the same way as they referred to former attorney general Alberto Gonzales as “controversial.” It is a verbal tic and it serves to reinforce the idea that this is something about which popular debate is impossible. But it is also wrong. The central issues of intellectual property are not technical, abstruse, or arcane. To be sure, the rules of intellectual property law can be as complex as a tax code (though they should not be). But at the heart of intellectual property law are a set of ideas that a ten-year-old can understand perfectly well. (While writing this book, I checked this on a ten-year-old I then happened to have around the house.) You do not need to be a scientist or an economist or a lawyer to understand it. The stuff is also a lot of fun to think about. I live in constant wonder that they pay me to do so.

Should you be able to tell the story of Gone With the Wind from a slave’s point of view even if the author does not want you to? Should the Dallas Cowboys be able to stop the release of Debbie Does Dallas, a cheesy porno flick, in which the title character brings great dishonor to a uniform similar to that worn by the Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders? (After all, the audience might end up associating the Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders with . . . well, commodified sexuality.) 7

Should the U.S. Commerce Department be able to patent the genes of a Guyami Indian woman who shows an unusual resistance to leukemia?8 What would it mean to patent someone’s genes, anyway? Forbidding scientific research on the gene without the patent holder’s consent? Forbidding human reproduction? Can religions secure copyrights over their scriptures? Even the ones they claim to have been dictated by gods or aliens? Even if American copyright law requires “an author,” presumably a human one?9 Can they use those copyrights to discipline heretics or critics who insist on quoting the scripture in full?

Should anyone own the protocols—the agreed-upon common technical standards—that make the Internet possible? Does reading a Web page count as “copying” it?10 Should that question depend on technical “facts” (for example, how long the page stays in your browser’s cache) or should it depend on some choice that we want to make about the extent of the copyright holder’s rights?

These questions may be hard, because the underlying moral and political and economic issues need to be thought through. They may be weird; alien scriptural dictation might qualify there. They surely aren’t uninteresting, although I admit to a certain prejudice on that point. And some of them, like the design of our telecommunications networks, or the patenting of human genes, or the relationship between copyright and free speech, are not merely interesting, they are important. It seems like a bad idea to leave them to a few lawyers and lobbyists simply because you are told they are “technical.”

So the first goal of the book is to introduce you to intellectual property, to explain why it matters, why it is the legal form of the information age. The second goal is to persuade you that our intellectual property policy is going the wrong way; two roads are diverging and we are on the one that doesn’t lead to Rome.

The third goal is harder to explain. We have a simple word for, and an intuitive understanding of, the complex reality of “property.” Admittedly, lawyers think about property differently from the way lay-people do; this is only one of the strange mental changes that law school brings. But everyone in our society has a richly textured understanding of “mine” and “thine,” of rights of exclusion, of division of rights over the same property (for example, between tenant and landlord), of transfer of rights in part or in whole (for example, rental or sale). But what about the opposite of property—property’s antonym, property’s outside? What is it? Is it just stuff that is not worth owning—abandoned junk? Stuff that is not yet owned—such as a seashell on a public beach, about to be taken home? Or stuff that cannot be owned—a human being, for example? Or stuff that is collectively owned—would that be the radio spectrum or a public park? Or stuff that is owned by no one, such as the deep seabed or the moon? Property’s outside, whether it is “the public domain” or “the commons,” turns out to be harder to grasp than its inside. To the extent that we think about property’s outside, it tends to have a negative connotation; we want to get stuff out of the lost-and-found office and back into circulation as property. We talk of “the tragedy of the commons,”11 meaning that unowned or collectively owned resources will be managed poorly; the common pasture will be overgrazed by the villagers’ sheep because no one has an incentive to hold back.

When the subject is intellectual property, this gap in our knowledge turns out to be important because our intellectual property system depends on a balance between what is property and what is not. For a set of reasons that I will explain later, “the opposite of property” is a concept that is much more important when we come to the world of ideas, information, expression, and invention. We want a lot of material to be in the public domain, material that can be spread without property rights. “The general rule of law is, that the noblest of human productions—knowledge, truths ascertained, conceptions, and ideas—become, after voluntary communication to others, free as the air to common use.”12 Our art, our culture, our science depend on this public domain every bit as much as they depend on intellectual property. The third goal of this book is to explore property’s outside, property’s various antonyms, and to show how we are undervaluing the public domain and the information commons at the very moment in history when we need them most. Academic articles and clever legal briefs cannot solve this problem alone.

Instead, I argue that precisely because we are in the information age, we need a movement—akin to the environmental movement—to preserve the public domain. The explosion of industrial technologies that threatened the environment also taught us to recognize its value. The explosion of information technologies has precipitated an intellectual land grab; it must also teach us about both the existence and the value of the public domain. This enlightenment does not happen by itself. The environmentalists helped us to see the world differently, to see that there was such a thing as “the environment” rather than just my pond, your forest, his canal. We need to do the same thing in the information environment.

We have to “invent” the public domain before we can save it.

A word about style. I am trying to write about complicated issues, some of which have been neglected by academic scholarship, while others have been catalogued in detail. I want to advance the field, to piece together the story of the second enclosure movement, to tell you something new about the balance between property and its opposite. But I want to do so in a way that is readable. For those in my profession, being readable is a dangerous goal. You have never heard true condescension until you have heard academics pronounce the word “popularizer.” They say it as Isadora Duncan might have said “dowdy.” To be honest, I share their concern. All too often, clarity is achieved by leaving out the key qualification necessary to the argument, the subtlety of meaning, the inconvenient empirical evidence.

My solution is not a terribly satisfactory one. A lot of material has been exiled to endnotes. The endnotes for each chapter also include a short guide to further reading. I have used citations sparingly, but more widely than an author of a popular book normally does, so that the scholarly audience can trace out my reasoning. But the core of the argument is in the text.

The second balance I have struggled to hit is that between breadth and depth. The central thesis of the book is that the line between intellectual property and the public domain is important in every area of culture, science, and technology. As a result, it ranges widely in subject matter. Yet readers come with different backgrounds, interests, and bodies of knowledge. As a result, the structure of the book is designed to facilitate self-selection based on interest. The first three chapters and the conclusion provide the theoretical basis. Each chapter builds on those themes, but is also designed to be largely freestanding. The readers who thrill to the idea that there might be constitutional challenges to the regulation of digital speech by copyright law may wallow in those arguments to their hearts’ content. Others may quickly grasp the gist and head on for the story of how Ray Charles’s voice ended up in a mashup attacking President Bush, or the discussion of genetically engineered bacteria that take photographs and are themselves the subject of intellectual property rights. To those readers who nevertheless conclude that I have failed to balance correctly between precision and clarity, or breadth and depth, I offer my apologies. I fear you may be right. It was not for want of trying.

Chapter 1: Why Intellectual Property?

Imagine yourself starting a society from scratch. Perhaps you fought a revolution, or perhaps you led a party of adventurers into some empty land, conveniently free of indigenous peoples. Now your task is to make the society work. You have a preference for democracy and liberty and you want a vibrant culture: a culture with a little chunk of everything, one that offers hundreds of ways to live and thousands of ideals of beauty. You don’t want everything to be high culture; you want beer and skittles and trashy delights as well as brilliant news reporting, avant-garde theater, and shocking sculpture. You can see a role for highbrow, state-supported media or publicly financed artworks, but your initial working assumption is that the final arbiter of culture should be the people who watch, read, and listen to it, and who remake it every day. And even if you are dubious about the way popular choice gets formed, you prefer it to some government funding body or coterie of art mavens.

At the same time as you are developing your culture, you want a flourishing economy—and not just in literature or film. You want innovation and invention. You want drugs that cure terrible diseases, and designs for more fuel-efficient stoves, and useful little doodads, like mousetraps, or Post-it notes, or solar-powered backscratchers. To be exact, you want lots of innovation but you do not know exactly what innovation or even what types of innovation you want.

Given scarce time and resources, should we try to improve typewriters or render them obsolete with word processors, or develop functional voice recognition software, or just concentrate on making solar-powered backscratchers? Who knew that they needed Post-it notes or surgical stents or specialized rice planters until those things were actually developed? How do you make priorities when the priorities include things you cannot rationally value because you do not have them yet? How do you decide what to fund and when to fund it, what desires to trade off against each other?

The society you have founded normally relies on market signals to allocate resources. If a lot of people want petunias for their gardens, and are willing to pay handsomely for them, then some farmer who was formerly growing soybeans or gourds will devote a field to petunias instead. He will compete with the other petunia sellers to sell them to you. Voila! We do not need a state planner to consult the vegetable five-year plan and decree “Petunias for the People!” Instead, the decision about how to deploy society’s productive resources is being made “automatically,” cybernetically even, by rational individuals responding to price signals. And in a competitive market, you will get your petunias at very close to the cost of growing them and bringing them to market. Consumer desires are satisfied and productive resources are allocated efficiently. It’s a tour de force.

Of course, there are problems. The market measures the value of a good by whether people have the ability and willingness to pay for it, so the whims of the rich may be more “valuable” than the needs of the destitute. We may spend more on pet psychiatry for the traumatized poodles on East 71st Street than on developing a cure for sleeping sickness, because the emotional wellbeing of the pets of the wealthy is “worth more” than the lives of the tropical world’s poor. But for a lot of products, in a lot of areas, the market works—and that is a fact not to be taken for granted.

Why not use this mechanism to meet your cultural and innovation needs? If people need Madame Bovary or The New York Times or a new kind of antibiotic, surely the market will provide it? Apparently not. You have brought economists with you into your brave new world—perhaps out of nostalgia, or because a lot of packing got done at the last minute. The economists shake their heads.1 The petunia farmer is selling something that is “a rivalrous good.” If I have the petunia, you can’t have it. What’s more, petunias are “excludable.” The farmer only gives you petunias when you pay for them. It is these factors that make the petunia market work. What about Madame Bovary, or the antibiotic, or The New York Times? Well, it depends. If books have to be copied out by hand, then Madame Bovary is just like the petunia. But if thousands of copies of Madame Bovary can be printed on a printing press, or photocopied, or downloaded from www.flaubertsparrot.com, then the book becomes something that is nonrival; once Madame Bovary is written, it can satisfy many readers with little additional effort or cost. Indeed, depending on the technologies of reproduction, it may be very hard to exclude people from Madame Bovary.

Imagine a Napster for French literature; everyone could have Madame Bovary and only the first purchaser would have to pay for it. Because of these “nonrival” and “nonexcludable” characteristics, Flaubert’s publisher would have a more difficult time coming up with a business plan than the petunia farmer. The same is true for the drug company that invests millions in screening and testing various drug candidates and ends up with a new antibiotic that is both safe and effective, but which can be copied for pennies. Who will invest the money, knowing that any product can be undercut by copies that don’t have to pay the research costs? How are authors and publishers and drug manufacturers to make money? And if they can’t make money, how are we to induce people to be authors or to be the investors who put money into the publishing or pharmaceutical business?

It is important to pause at this point and inquire how closely reality hews to the economic story of “nonexcludable” and “nonrival” public goods. It turns out that the reality is much more complex. First, there may be motivations for creation that do not depend on the market mechanism. People sometimes create because they seek fame, or out of altruism, or because an inherent creative force will not let them do otherwise. Where those motivations operate, we may not need a financial incentive to create. Thus the “problem” of cheap copying in fact becomes a virtue. Second, the same technologies that make copying cheaper may also lower the costs of advertising and distribution, cutting down on the need to finance expensive distribution chains. Third, even in situations that do require incentives for creativity and for distribution, it may be that being “first to market” with an innovation provides the innovator with enough of a head start on the competition to support the innovation.2 Fourth, while some aspects of the innovation may truly be nonrival, other aspects may not. Software is nonrival and hard to exclude people from, but it is easy to exclude your customers from the help line or technical support. The CD may be copied cheaply; the concert is easy to police. The innovator may even be advantaged by being able to trade on the likely effects of her innovation. If I know I have developed the digital camera, I may sell the conventional film company’s shares short. Guarantees of authenticity, quality, and ease of use may attract purchasers even if unauthorized copying is theoretically cheaper.

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On January 24, 2021, several entertainment-related events and releases made headlines in popular media. Here are a few:

The Digital Shift: Analyzing the Entertainment Landscape of January 24, 2021

The date January 24, 2021, stands as a fascinating snapshot in the evolution of modern media. Falling nearly a year into the global pandemic, this period represented a "new normal" where entertainment content and popular media underwent a radical transformation. With movie theaters largely shuttered and live events on pause, the digital world became the primary stage for cultural discourse.

Here is an exploration of the trends, releases, and shifts that defined entertainment and media during this specific window. 1. The Peak of the "Streaming Wars"

By late January 2021, the battle for eyeballs among streaming giants reached a fever pitch. On January 24, the conversation was dominated by Disney+ and its first Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) series, WandaVision. Having premiered just ten days earlier, the show was at the center of the zeitgeist, proving that high-budget, episodic "event television" could successfully replace the traditional blockbuster experience.

Meanwhile, Netflix was reaping the rewards of its holiday hits like Bridgerton and Lupin, which signaled a shift toward globalized content—shows produced in non-English languages becoming massive hits in the US and UK markets. 2. The Gamification of Media: The GameStop Saga Begins

While not a traditional "movie" or "show," one of the biggest entertainment stories brewing around January 24, 2021, was the GameStop (GME) short squeeze. Driven by the Reddit community r/wallstreetbets, this event blurred the lines between finance, social media, and entertainment. It demonstrated how "popular media"—specifically social platforms—could mobilize millions to create a real-world narrative more dramatic than any Hollywood script. 3. The Rise of Social Audio: The Clubhouse Craze sexmex 24 01 21 maryam hot mature maid xxx 480p link

In January 2021, the tech and entertainment sectors were obsessed with Clubhouse. The invite-only audio app was at its peak popularity during this week. It represented a shift in how "content" was consumed: moving away from polished, edited videos toward raw, live, and ephemeral audio conversations. It was the era of the "thought leader" and the virtual town hall, influencing how celebrities interacted with their fans. 4. Gaming as the New Social Square

With physical gatherings restricted, gaming titles like Among Us and Roblox were more than just entertainment; they were the primary social venues for Gen Z and Millennials. By January 24, 2021, the "metaverse" concept was beginning to move from niche tech circles into mainstream popular media discussions, as platforms hosted virtual concerts and brand activations. 5. Traditional Media’s Digital Pivot

The traditional Hollywood machine was in a state of flux. This period saw the "Day-and-Date" release model become a standard, with Warner Bros. having recently announced that its entire 2021 slate would hit HBO Max simultaneously with theaters. This move fundamentally changed the power dynamic between distributors and exhibitors, a ripple effect that is still felt in the industry today. Conclusion: A Legacy of Connectivity

The entertainment content of January 24, 2021, was defined by connectivity and community. Whether it was theorizing about sitcom tropes in WandaVision, joining a room on Clubhouse, or tracking stock tickers as a form of sport, media became an interactive, 24/7 experience. It was the moment the world fully realized that the digital screen wasn't just a window to entertainment—it was the world itself.

The entertainment and media landscape on January 24, 2021, was defined by a world in transition, balancing the heavy impact of the COVID-19 pandemic with a burgeoning digital era that transformed how audiences consumed content. The Digital Shift and Pandemic Impact

By early 2021, the global media industry had undergone a permanent shift toward digitalization.

Streaming Dominance: With billions confined to their homes, consumption of Over-the-Top (OTT) streaming content, video games, and social media reached all-time highs.

Decline of Print: Traditional print media faced severe economic blows due to reduced advertising and physical distribution challenges, accelerating a move toward digital-first models.

News Consumption: There was a massive spike in news demand as the public sought information on the pandemic; in the U.S., 92% of citizens actively consumed COVID-related news during this period. Major Events and Milestones

The specific date of January 24, 2021, was marked by several significant cultural and sports milestones: Music:

Given that the string "24 01 21" is ambiguous, this article interprets it through three possible lenses: January 21, 2024 (a specific date), January 2021 (a historical lockdown period), and the 24-hour news cycle of January 21st (a real-time media analysis). This allows for a rich exploration of how dates shape our media landscape.


Trend C: The Celebrity Silence

Because of the 2023 strikes, the traditional "January press tour" was muted. Actors on 24 01 21 were largely absent from late-night shows. To fill the void, talk shows (Kimmel, Fallon) relied on "fan-submitted content" and recurring segments (e.g., "Mean Tweets"), which are themselves a form of recycled popular media.


3. Music: The Year of the "Slow Burn"

Unlike the rapid-fire TikTok hits of 2021, the Billboard charts in January 2024 are defined by longevity rather than velocity. The current #1 single has held the top spot for eight weeks—a rarity in the streaming era.

Looking Ahead

As the month closes, the industry is watching the performance of Lisa Frankenstein and the upcoming Super Bowl spots. The lesson of January 21, 2024, is clear: in an oversaturated market, specificity beats generic spectacle.

Here's some content related to "24/01/21 Entertainment Content and Popular Media":

Trending Entertainment News on 24/01/21

On January 24, 2021, the entertainment industry was buzzing with exciting updates. Here are some of the top stories:

Popular Media on 24/01/21

In terms of popular media on January 24, 2021, here are some trends:

Social Media Trends on 24/01/21

On social media, January 24, 2021, was a day of engaging conversations. Here are some trending topics:

These are just a few updates from the entertainment world on January 24, 2021. It was an exciting day for pop culture enthusiasts!

This code-like date (24 01 21) is interpreted as January 21, 2024. This write-up analyzes the state of entertainment and popular media on that specific date, examining trends, key releases, and the cultural zeitgeist.


Decoding "24 01 21 Entertainment Content and Popular Media": A Snapshot of Digital Culture

By: Media Analytics Desk

Date of Analysis: January 21, 2024

In the fast-paced world of digital archives, metadata tags like 24 01 21 entertainment content and popular media serve as独特的指纹 (unique fingerprints) for historians, content strategists, and streaming algorithms. While the alphanumeric code "24 01 21" might initially appear to be a server log or a database key, it most accurately corresponds to a specific temporal marker: January 21, 2024.

On this specific Saturday, the landscape of popular media was not static. It was a battleground of Super Bowl LVIII preparations, Sundance Film Festival premieres, and the height of the "peak TV" correction phase. This article dissects what constituted "entertainment content" on that date, how popular media was consumed, and why understanding these snapshots is crucial for predicting future trends.


Lens 2: January 2021 – The Quarantine Content Singularity

If we interpret "24 01 21" as January of 2021, we enter a radically different universe. This was the peak of the COVID-19 winter surge, before vaccines were widely available. Entertainment wasn't a luxury; it was a survival mechanism.

3. Box Office & Film

Theatrical Context: January is traditionally a “dump month,” but 2024 saw a surprise hit and one notable misfire.